This report provides a high-level framework for any investors looking to shape real-world outcomes in line with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).*
Following on from the PRI’s The SDG investment case –which laid out why the SDGs are relevant to investors, why there is an expectation that investors will contribute and why investors should want to – this report takes the next steps by outlining a prospective framework for action. It is meant as a useful reference for all PRI signatories, providing sufficient scope for asset owners, investment managers and service providers to differ in the specific actions they undertake to shape outcomes in line with the SDGs. This framework is the starting point for a deeper and ongoing body of work on the subject, and will be the basis for future guidance and support.
Poltical regimes around the world are stuck in a series of dead-ends and despair. Most importantly, the China-US relationship has hit a brick wall as their fundamentally different values and interests clash. Deterrents and robust policy is the only way forward, says Stephen Kotkin, professor in history and international affairs, Princeton University.
Five mega trends, all underway before the pandemic, are driving geopolitical risk, said Stephen Kotkin, professor in history and international affairs at Princeton University.
Speaking at FIS 2020 Digital, Kotkin said political Islam in the Middle East has evolved into “stagnation and despair.” With no forward momentum, it offers “no solutions” to populations in the region.
China, which has innovated with breath-taking results driven by its dynamic population, has also hit a brick wall, he said. China can’t “move forward” with political liberalisation because that heralds the demise of the communist party. History tells us that when communism tries to open-up it liquidates itself, he said.
Thirdly, the successful US-UK pro-market dynamism born in the Thatcher and Reagan years has also ground to a halt. This has stagnated into a “cul de sac” in which President Trump and Boris Johnson are symptoms, not the cause, he said.
Elsewhere the European Union, born from a response to the WW2 and “a solution in many ways,” is also stuck because fiscal union hasn’t followed monetary union in an “inherent contradiction.”
Finally, Kotkin said how global integration is no longer accompanied by global governance as institutions like the WTO and WHO manage only single issues. The only truly global governance comes via the Federal Reserve which does “most of the heavy lifting.” However, fractured relationships mean global institutions that do exist are struggling. For example, there is no global institution to manage climate change, he said.
Kotkin said that progress is difficult without a resolution of these trends which have ushered in stagnation and made “muddling through” the norm. All now set against the backdrop of ballooning corporate and sovereign debt and the promise of inflation to come.
He said that China and America’s fractious relationship (an alarming trend that affects all other trends) is rooted in fundamental differences of interest and contrasting values that have caused a cold war. He said the Chinese communist regime was a “deadly combination” of arrogance and insecurity that has accelerated divisions around the world as spheres of influence develop. He said US policy was “fumbling” in response; that the differences needed to be managed first by laying down deterrents, and secondly by engaging in robust diplomacy.
Reflecting on Beijing’s “strangle” on Hong Kong, he said the west should support Hong Kong. He said policy was not agile enough. But noted “things aren’t over” because of the courage of Hong Kong’s population.
Kotkin was critical of “the grief” the incumbent US administration causes, but he said that America’s legal structures amount to “corrective mechanisms” that would “fix” the country. Whatever the outcome of the November election, he said that the US will remain stuck between nativism on the right and anti-imperialism on the left that will continue to constrict America’s ability to engage internationally.
Reflecting on President Trump’s ability to win the election he said it was too early to jump to conclusions. The Trump campaign hadn’t “unloaded” on Joe Biden which it did to such effect on Hillary Clinton and John Kerry.
“Biden will have to withstand an intense negative barrage fuelled by big money,” he said. If he can withstand this, he could win, but there is also a pathway for Trump’s re-election – as improbable as it seems. He also counselled delegates to temper their expectations on the level of change a defeat of Trump would bring.
Regarding Russia, Kotkin said it has also hit “a brick wall.” Putin’s power is eroding, although he said he wasn’t likely to be overthrown.
“Trends continue until there is an alternative; you can’t replace something with nothing.” Difficult relationships with Russia don’t compare to China and America’s mismanaged relationship.
Apart from the Gorbachev era, every communist regime that has fallen has given way to a right wing, nativist authoritarian regime. “China is moving in this direction inside the communist party,” he concluded.
To see Professor Kotkin’s answers to questions posed during the conference click here.
To listen to the podcast with Professor Kotkin on de-globalisation click here.
For the economic recovery from the COVID-19 crisis to be durable and resilient, a return to ‘business as usual’ and environmentally destructive investment patterns and activities must be avoided. Unchecked, global environmental emergencies such as climate change and biodiversity loss could cause social and economic damages far larger than those caused by COVID-19. To avoid this, economic recovery packages should be designed to “build back better”. This means doing more than getting economies and livelihoods quickly back on their feet. Recovery policies also need to trigger investment and behavioural changes that will reduce the likelihood of future shocks and increase society’s resilience to them when they do occur. Central to this approach is a focus on well-being and inclusiveness. Other key dimensions for assessing whether recovery packages can “build back better” include alignment with long-term emission reduction goals, factoring in resilience to climate impacts, slowing biodiversity loss and increasing circularity of supply chains. In practice, well-designed recovery policies can cover several of these dimensions at once, such as catalysing the shift towards accessibility-based mobility systems, and investing in low-carbon and decentralised electricity systems.
The connection between investors and policymakers is not working as it should if the recovery is to be sustainable and inclusive with concrete reforms. As policymakers consider policy interventions to support the recovery, investors should be engaging policymakers by providing technical expertise and allocating capital to sustainable investments. This report identifies indicative policy options, which PRI will root in our ESG and climate programmes.
Read Sustainable and inclusive: Covid-19 recovery and reform here.
Investing with SDG outcomes: a five-part framework
Following the PRI’s The SDG investment case – which laid out why the SDGs are relevant to investors this report takes the next steps by outlining a prospective framework for action.
Read Investing with SDG outcomes: a five-part framework here.
The world is experiencing unprecedented times. That also applies to our pension funds and their participants. The corona virus makes things we have previously taken for granted now seem unusual. In addition, our pension system is on the verge of getting thoroughly reformed. During this surreal period in time, APG wants to ensure that our pension funds and their participants can count on us to provide them with the best possible pension, and to contribute to a livable, sustainable world for current and future generations.